By Peter Baehr, Melvin Richter
Bringing jointly the paintings of historians and political theorists to envision the advanced relationships between 19th century democracy, nationalism, and authoritarianism, this learn will pay unique realization to the careers of Napoleon I and III, and of Bismarck. a big contribution is attention of not just the momentous episodes of coup d'etat, revolution, and imperial beginning which the Napoleonic period heralded, but additionally the contested political language with which those occasions have been defined and assessed. Political thinkers have been confronted with a battery of recent terms--"Bonapartism," "Caesarism," and "Imperialism" etc...--with which to outline their period.
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Additional resources for Dictatorship in History and Theory
A conspicuous example is to be found in Introduction 19 the analysis of one of Schmitt’s Marxist adversaries, Antonio Gramsci, the subject of Benedetto Fontana’s chapter. Gramsci’s theory of Caesarism is one of the least explored dimensions of his thought and, as Fontana demonstrates, one of the most complex. The theory emerged as part of Gramsci’s attempt in the Prison Notebooks (1929–36) to account for the triumph of Italian Fascism and its precondition, the collapse of the revolutionary left and of liberalism.
It also quickly became, Jack Hayward observes, a staple of discussion among academic analysts such as Ren´e R´emond. ” For Hayward, however, the parallels tell us relatively little. For one thing, many previous republican administrations had evinced characteristics similar to those now being attributed to Gaullism/Bonapartism. For another, the political career of de Gaulle, which Hayward prefers to describe as a “heroic” rather than a “charismatic” or “crisis” form of leadership, displays qualities markedly at variance with the two nineteenth-century Napoleonic regimes.
13 Claude Langlois, “Le Pl´ebiscite de l’An VIII, ou le coup d’´etat du 18 pluviˆose an VIII,” Annales historiques de la R´evolution franc¸aise (1972), 43–65, 231–46, 391–415. ” in L’Election du Chef de l’Etat en France, de Hugues Capet a` Nos Jours (Paris, 1988), 81–93. 34 Isser Woloch Of course voter turnout was actively promoted by local prefects in 1802 under prodding from Paris, as it could not be in 1800. Parisian officials insisted “that the voting registers be opened and available to everyone; .
Dictatorship in History and Theory by Peter Baehr, Melvin Richter